John Adams s01e02 Episode Script
Independence
I would read into the record, for the benefit of those delegates who are unable to remain to close of session, the declarations and resolves of this first congress.
Resolved That to the recent grievous acts imposed by parliament on Massachusetts, we cannot submit.
But in hopes that our fellow subjects in Great Britain will restore to us happiness and prosperity, rather than support the Massachusetts militia, we have agreed to pursue the following peaceable measures To publish a statement of the aforesaid to the inhabitants of British America.
Who need no reminders.
Two, to enter into a non-importation, non-consumption and non-exportation agreement of british goods.
- Which no one will honor.
- And three, to prepare a loyal address to his majesty.
Which his majesty will not read.
This congress stands adjourned.
The business of this congress being concluded, all delegates "The business of this congress.
" The business of this congress has been to achieve nothing.
the year of our Lord, 1775.
You carry good news back home, Mr.
Paine.
Massachusetts has made its cause plain to its sister colonies, and now it will be made plain to Parliament.
I beg to differ, Mr.
Dickinson.
Nothing has been made plain.
All this congress has shown is that every man in it thinks that he is a great man Orator, a critic, a statesman.
And therefore every man must show his oratory, his criticism, his political ability.
If it were moved and seconded that two and three make five, we should spend two whole days debating the matter and only then pass a resolution in the affirmative.
Well, in that event, Mr.
Adams, our adjournment comes not a moment too soon.
A toast, gentlemen and ladies.
May Boston's troubles soon be at an end and her people's natural rights as englishmen be fully restored.
May the sword of the parent never be stained with the blood of her children.
God save the King.
God save the king.
Part II: INDEPENDENCE There we are.
Go on, get a feel for it.
Put your hands in there.
Deeper.
Deeper.
There.
There, turn it, yeah? Now, the best recipe is equal parts salt marsh, upland soil and dung.
Manure is an art, and I consider myself an accomplished artist.
Smell that.
I want to be a farmer too, papa.
Do you now? Farming is noble employment, Johnny.
The noblest there is.
And this farm will always be in our family.
But it's to be school and the law for you.
As it was for me.
Mr.
Adams! Mr.
Adams! The british! The british are marching on concord! The british are marching on concord! - To arms! - Go inside! Charles! Inside, Charles! Get inside! The first sign of trouble, you fly to the woods! Stay with me! Come on, faster! Doctor Warren! What is god's name has happened? Gage sent a regiment to seize our powder and arms at concord.
Hundreds of our militia turned out.
The british got nothing.
- Where are they now? Are they close by? - We are chasing the bastards back to Boston, and we'll keep them there! Move! Come on, men.
There can be no mistaking britain's intentions now.
If you had seen them, Abigail.
An army of plain country boys With no experience of professional soldiering.
But their faces shing like the sun through a church window.
We must support them With guns and leadership and faith in what they do.
Say that, John.
Say that to the congress.
If I have to stand and rail until my voice breaks and my legs collapse beneath me This time congress will act.
Men Need to think that they have made their own decisions Not had them forced upon them.
I don't have the time to coddle like a young girl courting a beau.
To sit in Philadelphia listening to men talking to hear themselves talk, resolving nothing To subject myself to that yet again, I cannot.
I cannot.
Where are these gentlemen from Massachusetts? What have you done with these gentlemen from Massachusetts? Have you stolen these gentlemen from Massachusetts? There they are! All the way from Boston.
Are they not a shame on their country? Are they not a disgrace to all civilized beings? Has not even the reverend Ebenezer Slither declared them so? They have violated the fundamental rule of warfare, which is always to let the british win! Did they not pursue the british army with ungentlemanly haste after their cowardly victory at Concord? Must you be so extreme, Dr.
Franklin? I'm an extreme moderate, Mr.
Rutledge.
I believe anybody not in favor of moderation and compromise out to be castrated.
And that all this should be sent down to the To the Parliament, for they seem to need How shall I put it? Stones.
There.
I think we scared him off.
I am very glad to have you gentlemen with us.
Very glad indeed.
I beg the good gentlemen here.
I beseech you Entreat.
He left out entreat.
I entreat you to remember that we remain the King'subject, whatever the recent unpleasantness in Massachusetts.
One rash action does not merit a rash response! Might must be met with reason, not arms! I remind Mr.
Rutledge and Mr.
Duane that blood has been shed.
Massachusetts' blood.
While we debate, our militia is left without munitions, without arms, without even the slightest encouragement.
Mr.
Dickinson of Pennsylvania.
One colony cannot be allowed to take its sister colonies headlong into the maelstrom of war.
Parliament will be eager to call a halt to hostilities, as are we.
They will seek conciliation.
We must offer them an olive branch.
I move this assembly consider a humble and dutiful petion be dispatched to his Majesty, one that includes a plain statement that the colony desires immediate negotiation and accommodation of these unhappy disputes, and that we are willing to enter into measures - to achieve that reconciliation.
- Second! Mr.
Dickinson? The time for negotiation is past.
The actions of the british army at Lexington and Concord speak plainly enough.
If we wish to regain our natural-born rights as englishmen Then we must fight for them.
I have looked for our rights in the laws of nature and can find them only in the laws of political society.
I have looked for our rights in the constitution of the english government and found them there! Our rights have been violated, Mr.
Adams, that is beyond dispute.
We must provide a plan to convince Parliament to restore those rights! Do we wish to become aliens to the mother country? No, gentlemen, we must come to terms with the mother country.
No doubt the same ship which carries forth our list of grievances will bring back their redress.
Mr.
Dickinson My wife and young children live on the main road to Boston, fewer than five miles from the full might of the british Empire.
Should they sit and wait for gage and his savages to rob them of their home, their possessions, their very lives? No, sir! Powder and artillery are the surest and most infallible conciliatory measures we can adopt! If you explode the possibility of peace, Mr.
Adams, and I tell you now, you will have blood on your hands! And I tell you, Mr.
Dickinson, that to hold out an olive branch to britain is a measure of gross imbecility.
If you New England men continue to oppose our measures of reconciliation, you will leave us no choice but to break off from you entirely and carry on the opposition in our own way.
I sit in judgment of no man's religion, Mr.
Dickinson But your quaker sensibilities do us a gross disservice, sir.
It is one thing to turn the other cheek, but to lie down in the ground like a snake and crawl toward the seat of power in abject surrender, well, that is quite another thing, sir.
- And I have no stomach for it, sir! - Mr.
Adams! No stomach at all! We will exhaust all peaceful approaches, Mr.
Adams.
And we will do it with or without the approbation of you and your Boston insurrectionists! Hear, hear! Mr.
Dickinson's motion to send an olive branch petion to his majesty has been made and seconded.
We shall proceed to a vote.
- New Hampshire? - New Hampshire votes no.
- Massachusetts? - Massachusetts votes no.
- Rhode Island? - Rhode Island votes no.
- New York? - New York votes yes! Hear, hear.
- Connecticut? - Connecticut votes no.
New Jersey? New Jersey votes yes.
Hear, hear.
Delaware? Delaware votes yes.
Pennsylvania? Pennsylvania votes yes.
Virginia? Virginia votes yes.
- Maryland? - Maryland votes yes.
South Carolina? South Carolina votes yes.
- Georgia? - Georgia votes yes.
The storm did not quite behave as it was meant to behave.
Unlike the british army, it did not travel in a straight line.
As my brother told me at the time - Mr.
Adams.
- Doctor.
Dr.
Rush has been telling me that he has bled most of Philadelphia.
He quite swears by the regenerative powers of desanguination.
Thus far, Philadelphia has survived Can I have a private word with you, doctor? - Certainly, Mr.
Adams.
- Gentlemen, if you If you'll excuse me.
Mr Rodney You seem a little distracted, Mr.
Adams.
I had thought that you were with us.
As I am, as I am.
But not enough to come out and say so.
Politics is the art of the possible.
What did you get by opposing the motion? It was carried with our without you.
All you did was make enemies aand make yourself feel better, of course.
Do you not believe in saying what you think? No, I'm very much against it.
Thinking aloud is a habit responsible for much of mankind's misery.
St.
Thomas à Becket might have lived to a ripe old age if he You insulted Mr.
Dickinson.
You insulted him in public.
Would you have me insult him in private? It's perfectly acceptable to insult someone in private.
Sometimes they might even thank you for it afterwards.
But when you do it in public, they tend to think you are serious.
I feel myself hated in this town.
Go gently.
I beg you.
You are a guest in Philadelphia.
Fish and guests Stink after three days.
You would do well to seek out the gentlemen of Virginia.
Their vote went against me as well.
Virginia must be won, Mr.
Adams.
Their wealth, prestige, their size No other colony carries that much weight.
And I think you'll find, despite their recent vote, that they are of your opinion.
And of your opinion, sir.
My opinion is that I have no opinion.
But I'll gladly come with you, to find out what my opinion might be.
Diplomacy is seduction in another guise, Mr.
Adams.
One improves with practice.
Mr.
Harrison, Mr.
Lee.
Gentlemen, good morning to you.
Mr.
Lee? You are said to be the cicero of Virginia.
Like you, Mr.
Adams, we are arming ourselves for our own defense.
Beyond that, the Virginia convention has given us no instructions.
Were it up to myself and colonel Washington Oh, yes indeed.
Colonel Washington.
- Good morning to you, colonel.
- Mr.
Adams.
Colonel, you are in mourning? for Massachusetts, Mr.
Adams.
An attack made on one of our sister colonies is an attack made on all of us.
If only all of the congress were of your sentiment, sir.
I am prepared to raise 1,000 men, subsist them at my own expense and march them myself to the relief of Boston.
We may yet have need of your generosity.
Not generosity, Mr.
Adams, duty.
A natural leader.
He's always the tallest man in the room.
He's bound to end up leading something.
When will we escape this dreadful city, doctor? Philadelphia is not to your liking, sir? I'd rather be in my own country.
Would not you? I would, Mr.
Jefferson, yes.
Well, excuse me.
ma! ma! Are those our guns, mama? I pray they are.
- Would you like some water, sir? - Thank you, ma'am.
Thank you.
Thank you, ma'am.
We saw flames above the harbor.
Gage's ships laid into us with cannon fire.
They sent their butchers through the smoke up Bunker Hill.
Dear god.
We held them back.
Thank you.
Do I know that face? I knew that face.
Children, inside.
General Warren is fallen at Bunker Hill Shot through the head Bayoneted and stripped of his clothes.
I knew him, gentlemen.
He was my physician.
The full measure of british atrocity is too terrible to relate.
"400 patriots dead.
" Not professional soldiers, ordinary citizens of Massachusetts who willingly gave their lives to defend what was rightfully theirs Their liberty.
But they took with them more than 1,000 british soldiers and 100 of their officers.
If this congress does not support the Massachusetts militia, it could very well dissolve, gentlemen! Should that happen Should that happen We will be left defenseless, gentlemen.
Yes.
absolutely.
I move that the congress adopt the Massachusetts militia immediately! Mr.
Adams.
Second! You are asking us to form an army, Mr.
Adams A force acting not for a single colony, but all 13! Now there's not a man here present who does not mourn the loss of the brave men of Massachusetts.
But it is at such times that caution must prevail.
It may be weeks before our last petion reaches the King, many weeks more before we may hope for a reply.
While we await answer, we must avoid any escalation of the hostilities between us.
The situation is perilous! What is required now is one able man to build and to lead this new continental army.
And who do you propose of the Massachusetts delegates should lead this force? Gentlemen, we move too quickly.
We have not yet resolved the question of any continental army, much less who is to lead it.
I have but one gentleman in mind, known to all of us.
Mr.
President, I propose as commander in chief, our most honorable and esteemed delegate The good gentleman from Virginia, Colonel George Washington.
Second! I commend your selection, sir.
There is no more able soldier in all America.
Colonel Washington would command approbation in all americans, were he to accept the position that it is now our great honor to offer him.
If the congress sees fit to honor me with the command, it will be my humble duty to serve.
By your modesty, you show the wisdom of our choice.
There are two motions on the floor.
Should congress adopt the Massachusetts militia and should Colonel Washington be appointed as commander in chief of this continental army? I think we should move towards a vote.
Congratulations, General Washington.
I am truly sensible of the high honor the congress has done me.
But I tell you now, I do not think myself equal to the command I am honored with.
Your men, your continental army, awaits you at Cambridge, sir.
And I shall see you there on my return.
- Will General howe attack again? - Impossible to say.
What is that but an army of occupation? And the Congress goes on its knees to the King.
Has the King deigned to reply? I understand people like Mr.
Dickinson and his friends all too well, John.
Send a woman to the Congress.
She might knock some sense into them.
It is not a question of men and women.
It is a matter politics.
Politics.
Politics? And do women not live politics, John Adams? When I go to the cupboard and I find no coffee, no sugar, no pins, no meat, am I not living politics? This war touches people that your congress treats with the same contempt King George deserves for the people of Boston.
I mean women, yes, and slaves too, for that matter.
Though I am sure you wish I would not mention that subject, as it might upset your southern friends.
- You're harsh, madam.
- I am cold.
And frightened.
I am afraid this war will never end or begin.
I am frightened too, Abigail.
And however much I talk and talk, I will never carry the congress.
It seems that I must come down to Philadelphia and box the ears of Mr.
Dickinson and his cronies.
I must pray for guidance in all our endeavors, wherever they may lead us.
And where will they lead us, John? I sometimes think we may be heading to a complete and irrevocable independence.
The enemy are quite entrenched.
To take boston may mean its utter destruction.
I could call on only 5 000 troops who are fit to fight.
I thought you had at least 20 000 men under your command? A great many have gone home since their enlistments expired, New England men a good lot of them.
I cannot conceal our condition from the british indefinitely.
We have been decimated by the bloody pox.
It is sheer providence they haven't discovered our predicament.
Upon my return to Philadelphia, I will make this situation known and the congress will find whatever you require, sir.
Nothing has yet come from all their promises of powder, muskets supplies, Mr.
Adams.
- Mr.
Adams.
- I will persuade them, sir.
And I will also argue to the congress that an alliance with France and Spain is essential.
But above all, I intend to present them with a Declaration of Independency.
You've already spoken of this? Oh no no one speaks of it.
At least not publicly.
But it is the only sure guarantee of our liberty.
Independence will mean war from one end of the colonies to the other.
I have no illusions about that.
But first, let us free Boston.
The rest will follow.
So many have been carried away by the bloody pox.
We cannot risk infection in this house.
How you will manage this winter with the blockade, I don't know.
We will manage.
Somehow we will manage.
I should go before the weather worsens.
I would gladly take a walk in our garden with you - when the spring comes.
- No more, John! No more.
I hate the congress! General Washington still awaits our reply to the problem of re-enlistments.
- The king's seal.
- Now he respectfully suggests that a salary be granted our soldiers commensurate with their sacrifice.
But he has no money on hand to pay them.
Tents, soap, shoes and blankets are also greatly wanting.
The army recently took shipment of 50 crates of rifles, all without the flints required to shoot them.
A proclamation by King George III.
"many of our subjects, misled by a desperate conspiracy of dangerous and ill-designing men, have forgotten the allegiance which they owe to the power that has protected and supported them, and have declared rebellion and traitorously levied war against us.
It is the better part of wisdom to put a speedy end to such disorders.
We have thought fit to issue our royal proclamation that all our royal officers, both civil and military, are obliged to suppress such rebellion and bring the traitors to justice.
When the unhappy and deluded multitude against whom this force shall be directed shall become sensible of their error, I shall be ready to receive the misled with tenderness and mercy.
for those who persist in their treason For those who persist in their treason, the punishment shall be death by hanging.
given in parliament this 26th day of october in the year" 1775.
" God save the King.
God damn the King! God bless the King.
Who else could have brought such a spirit of unity to this congress? We will now all hang together.
Or, most assuredly, we will all hang separately.
The question is no longer whether there shall be independence, but when.
If we force a decision too soon, we may reap disaster.
Independence without unanimity means nothing.
- I'm in complete agreement, doctor.
- I will leave immediately.
The Virginia Convention must free us to act.
All 13 clocks must strike at the same second.
Charles, Charles! Charles, come back! Children, step away from the door.
Charles! Charles, go inside! Go inside! Go! Mr.
Knox.
Mr.
Knox! - Mr.
Knox! - Mrs.
Adams? You sold books to my husband, now look at you.
- What are you doing? - British guns captured at Fort Ticonderoga.
General Washington may have some use for them.
- How on earth did you manage? - Rowed them across lake George and hauled them over the berkshires.
We call that one Liberty.
And that big one there stuck in the mire, we call it Independence! When how we saw the guns from Ticonderoga ringing the city he shouted, "good god, these fellows have done more work in one day than I made my army do in three months.
" General Washington's surprise sent them scurrying like rats.
Mr.
Lee, now is the time.
And with your good news I can depend upon Virginia to lead the way.
The honor is mine, sir.
We are about to take a leap in the dark, Mr.
Jefferson.
I would gladly lend my hand to sink the whole island of Great Britain in the ocean.
Now, I have not heard you say three words together in the last congress.
with such passion, I regret that you haven't made your mind more plainly known.
I have no gift for oratory.
President recognizes Mr.
Lee of Virginia.
- Order, gentlemen! - Resolved That these united colonies are and of a right ought to be free and independent states; They are absolved of all allegiance to the british crown; and that all political connection between them and the country of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved.
No! Second! Second from Mr.
Adams.
Am I to understand that Virginia has freed their delegates to propose this measure? They have, sir.
the liberation of Boston has quite convinced them.
The british may have abandoned Boston, Mr.
Lee, but that is not an end to the business! General Howe is said to be awaiting reinforcements! Thousands of godless hessian mercenaries among them.
First they will attack New York, then this very city! Two warships have been sighted sailing up the Delaware, gentlemen.
What possible object can they have if not to take this congress and every man in it by force? Our river defenses Our river defenses will hold them, sir! How shall we fight them? With what navy shall we turn them back? England is poised to strike a fatal blow! I must ask again, why such haste? Why should we pull down the old house - before we are prepared to - Because Enough! Because, Mr.
Duane, the middle way that some in this chamber have been seeking is no way at all.
Gentlemen, please hear me out, gentlemen! If we finally fail in this great and glorious contest, it will be by bewildering ourselves in groping for the middle way! Gentlemen, Dr.
Franklin knows England better than any man here.
Can we not yet hope to see a clearer sky? Well, if my long residence in London as this colony's agent to the Court has taught me anything, Mr.
Dickinson, it has taught me this: that given the choice between doing what is right and doing what is not right, his majesty's government will take the later course every time.
Well said, well said.
Dr.
Franklin has the floor.
The King refuses our petitions.
He has branded us rebels.
The question is not whether by a by a declaration of independence that we should make ourselves something we are not, but whether we should declare as fact something which already exists.
- No! - Only the voice Only the voice of the people can proclaim independence.
No no, Mr.
Dickinson! The people wait for us to lead the way.
and we must lose no time in leading them, sir.
No time at all.
And just whom do you think will join us in this folly? - France, for one! - France! Gentlemen! England is our common enemy, sir.
Mr.
Adams would make us french subjects! Partners, Mr.
Duane, not subjects.
General Washington's army needs arms and men! King Louis cannot be expected to acknowledge us until we have acknowledged ourselves and taken our rightful place as a sovereign power.
Mr.
Adams - Mr.
Franklin has the floor.
- Mr.
Adams is right.
Let us send an envoy to King Louis while our affairs wear a hopeful aspect.
What if no alliance comes? What then, sir? Then so be it.
"So be it"? We will not vote for independence, Mr.
Adams.
Not now, not ever! Mr.
Duane well knows that reconciliation would be as agreeable to my inclinations, and as advantageous to my interests as to any man's! but, I see no prospect for it, no probability, no possibility! And I cannot abide the hypocritical heart that pretends to expect peace when in truth it does not.
This congress has no more right to pass such a resolution than parliament has! - We must beware of overreaching! - Aye! When demosthenes When Demosthenes traveled as ambassador through Greece he did not go, mr.
President, through time! If you plan on taking us to creation itself, I should like send word to my landlady, she should not waste any eggs for my breakfast.
He did not go, Mr.
President, to propose a non-importation - or non-consumption agreement.
- I beg your pardon, sir.
pray forgive me for not recognizing the worthy Demosthenes.
I mistook you for a Massachusetts man.
Do you know the conduct of some states from the beginning of this affair has given me reason to suspect that it is their settled policy to keep to the rear of our confederacy come what may, so as not to harm their future prospects? - Mr.
Adams - No, there are persons in Philadelphia to whom a ship is dearer than a city, and a few barrels of flour dearer than 1000 lives.
Other men's lives.
That is an outrageous slander! Gentlemen, we cannot debate this endlessly.
I call for a vote on Mr.
Lee's resolution for independence.
- New Hampshire? - New Hampshire votes yes.
- Connecticut? - Connecticut votes yes.
- New Jersey? - New Jersey votes no.
- Georgia? - Georgia votes yes.
- Virginia? Virginia votes yes.
- New York? - New York votes no! - North Carolina? - North Carolina votes yes.
- One moment, please.
South Carolina, on behalf of its sister colonies States! requests a postponement to seek new instructions.
20 days should be sufficient.
This is good.
Any objections? No, none, sir.
No.
Congress shall reconvene on july 1st to consider Mr.
Lee's resolution.
Mr.
President, perhaps a committee should be formed to present a statement to the people should the vote tend toward independence.
Mr.
Dickinson? Form your committee, Mr.
Adams.
present! The thought of what awaits us in New York robs me of my sleep.
Are you so certain of defeat? To give battle to the british army, their ranks swollen with the 17,000 hessians, I know not how our men will stand the test.
General Howe elected to depart Boston in peace rather than lay waste to the city.
New York may not be so fortunate.
That such evil should befall a people Could it be punishment for the sin of slavery? I cannot say.
We grow gloomy, Mrs.
Adams.
Forgive me.
I had hoped this visit would be a respite from what weighs upon me.
Is there some service I may do for you? For your family? There is one thing that I would ask.
My correspondence with my husband is more important than I can say.
It has become so difficult to get letters through, and fear of interception has limited what we may say to each other.
If I could impose upon you to carry my letters My own courier will take them safely to Philadelphia along with my dispatches.
Thank you.
Your advice is greatly valued by Mr.
Adams.
The more quickly he receives it, the more quickly we may all be beneficiaries of your counsel.
I fear I cannot oblige you, sir, because If we are to achieve our longed-for separation from England, we must be ready in the state legislatures with new codes of law and governance.
and to that end all my time away from the assembly is taken up with urgent correspondence on a new constitution for Virginia.
We are of the same mind there.
Massachusetts, too, must have its constitution.
But I would have one founded on principles which could one day inform the confederacy of all the states.
but we must first achieve this long-hoped-for separation, and to that end we must have a declaration of principles.
Should you not write this thing yourself? No no.
I do not have time.
I head the board of war and ordinance as well as serving on 22 other committees.
and the outcome of this great question is far from certain, so my energies must be spent ing the debate on the floor.
- And why me? - Reasons enough, sir.
What can possibly be your reason? First, you area virginian, and a virginian should be at the head of this business as it's the most powerful state.
And second, I am obnoxious, suspected and unpopular.
And you are very much otherwise.
Third, and perhaps most important, I have read your summary view of the rights of British America and I have a great opinion of the elegance of your pen, and none at all of my own.
You're too modest, sir.
You're the first to find me so, sir.
I am not by nature a humble man, but circumstances sometimes require a change of habits.
- I see that you're quite decided.
- That I am, Mr.
Jefferson.
Quite.
Have you consulted with your husband? Mr.
Adams is not here and the pox is rampant.
Inoculation is not without risk.
The distemper manifests itself differently in each person.
You and your children may experience some fever and inflammation, perhaps a form of the disease itself.
I am aware of the risks.
Some cases have even resulted in death.
This is something altogether unexpected.
not only a declaration of our independence, but of the rights of all men.
No this is well said, sir.
Very well said.
"The christi King of Great Britain "has waged cruel war against human nature itself "in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, "captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere.
" Yes, you lay the evils of slavery at the The feet of the King, but you say nothing of slavery itself, sir.
Now surely, if the trade is outlawed but ownership is not, then those unfortunate negroes still in servitude will become a more lucrative commodity.
That's not what I intended, Dr.
Franklin.
Slavery is an abomination and must be loudly proclaimed as such, but I own that neither I nor any man has any immediate solution to the problem.
It is no matter.
The issue before us is independence and not emancipation.
- Dr.
Franklin, this document is - is something Something our friends in the congress will debate.
But I will be very surprised if they will countenance an attack on slavery.
"We hold these truths to be sacred and undeniable, "that all men are created equal" Et cetera.
"sacred and undeniable.
" Smacks of the pulpit.
Does it? These truths are self-evident are they not? Perhaps.
Self-evident then.
Self-evident? - Self-evident.
- Self-evident.
Do not mistake me, sir.
I share your sentiment.
Every single word was precisely chosen.
I assure you of that, Dr.
Franklin.
Yes, but yours will not be the only hand in this document.
It cannot be.
They will try to mangle it, and they may succeed.
There may be expressions which I would not have inserted if I had drawn it up, but I will defend every word of it.
It's what I believe.
This is a A marvelous invention, Mr.
Jefferson.
Yes, I went through a number of variations.
This is by far the most successful.
The simplest is always the best.
It's two seats and the top one swivels on rollers made from the window sash pulleys.
Most ingenious.
Stay inside.
One more time, lad.
Just a small cut.
Done.
Who's first? So it's you? What is your name? - Charles.
- Charles.
Roll up your sleeve.
That's it.
Here we go.
Just a small cut.
Almost done.
There you are, lad.
- It'll hurt a little bit.
- I want papa.
Pa's not here.
We must depend upon ourselves.
One more, one more.
Almost done.
There lies our battle.
The others may yet come around, but Pennsylvania and New York are too self-interested, too tory.
Mr.
Dickinson is too unbending.
And too effective.
Most effective, Mr.
Adams, most effective.
And rutledge.
Good luck to you, sir.
Congress will take into consideration the resolution concerning independence.
Mr.
Dickinson? Gentlemen.
The consequences involved in the motion now lying before us are of such magnitude that I tremble at the oppressive honor of sharing in its determination.
My conduct this day, I expect, will give the finishing blow to my once great and now much-diminished popularity.
Yet I had rather forfeit popularity forever than vote away the blood and happiness of my countrymen.
Independence will not strengthen us by one man! Nor by the least supply.
But it may expose our soldiers to additional cruelties and outrages.
The full fury of British rifle will be unleashed.
Indians will be loosest on the frontier.
Negros will rise up to slaughter us.
New York may well be destroyed.
By their own admission, the advocates of separation say foreign assistance will be necessary.
At what cost? Let us imagine a war without victors.
And the guns all silent.
Many would have bled and sacrificed only to have exchanged the light yoke of GB for the heavy dominion of an alien power.
Some have argued that America will become one great commonwealth.
But what is to keep 13 unwieldy colonies from splitting asunder? I have a strong impression in my mind that this will take place.
Oh, gentlemen.
To escape the protection of GB by declaring independance unprepared as we are would be to brave the storm in a skiff made of paper.
As I recognize is Mr Adams, Massachussetts.
Objects of the most stupendous magnitude.
Measures which will affect the lives of millions, born and unborn are now before us.
We must expect a great expense of blood to obtain them but we must always remember that a free constitution of civil government cannot be purchased a too dear a rate as there is nothing on this side of Jerusalem, of greater importance to mankind.
My worthy colleague from Pennsylvania has spoken with great ingenuity and eloquence.
He's given you a grim prognostication of our national future, but where he foresees apocalypse I see hope.
I see a new nation ready to take its place in the world.
Not an empire, but a republic.
And a republic of laws, not men.
Gentlemen, we are in the very midst of revolution.
The most complete unexpected and remarkable of any in the history of the world.
How few of the human race have ever had an opportunity of choosing a system of government for themselves, and their children.
I am not without apprehensions, gentlemen.
But the end that we have in sight is more than worth all the means.
My belief says that the hour has come.
My judgement approves this measure and my whole heart is in it.
All that I have, all that I am and all that I hope in this life, I am now ready to stake upon it.
While I'll live, let me have a country.
A free country.
Idle misspend of time.
Waste of breathe.
I said nothing but what have been repeated and hackneyed in that room before.
Hundred times past these 6 months.
On the contrary, Mr Adams.
You seemed quite carried out of yourself.
Majority is ours, cousin.
9 to 4 in favor.
It must be unanimous.
- Where the devil is our friend Rodney? - Gone back to Wilmington.
Trouble with the Tories, there.
We will never win Delaware without him.
Mr Rodney must be found and fetched back here, Mr McCain.
Leave it to me.
Mr Adams.
A word with you, if I may? Private word.
South Carolina would be willing to consider casting her vote with the majority.
You surprise me, sir.
We know which way the wind blows, Mr Adams.
South Carolina has never been opposed to the principle of separation from Britain.
- Only the haste to achieve it.
- The times call for action, sir.
We southerners are accustomed to more courtly form.
You have something to ask in return.
Only your assurance that there will be no dissent from the other colonies.
Forgive me States.
You have it, sir.
Gentlemen can always reach agreement.
Admiral Howe has anchored a 150 ships in view of Manhattan Island.
You ask me to consent to our own destruction.
Thirteen stand a greater chance than one.
We do not ask you to join us.
Only that you do not obstruct us.
NY would be willing to consider such an arrangement.
If you can deliver Pennsylvania.
Consider this, Mr Dickinson, that 2 of Pennsylvania's own delegates, myself being one of them, rose up today in opposition to you.
I will not compromise my beliefs.
A man of your reputation and honesty.
He should never compromise his beliefs, sir.
I thank you for that, Mr Adams.
Understand me, sir.
Likely you're right, and we shall be driven to independance.
But now, it's not the time for some dangerous and irrevocable action.
I cannot lend my voice to hasten our ruin.
Perhaps if you're to find yourself, somehow, indisposed tomorrow? Be still.
My brave girl.
Come no further.
Mabby, have a lion.
Thank you, Charles.
Bed! Bed! Cool? Look! What Charles gave you.
This panel now comes to a vote.
From a resolution proposed by Mr Lee.
These colonies are and of right ought to be free and independant states.
And that all political connection between them and the country of GB is and of the right ought to be totally dissolved.
New Hampshire? New Hampshire votes yes.
Rhode Island? Rhode Island votes yes.
Massachusetts? Massachusetts votes yes.
New York? New York has yet to receive new instructions from its constituent assembly.
We, therefore, respectfully abstain.
Connecticut? Connecticut votes yes.
New Jersey? New Jersey votes yes.
Pennsylvania? Pennsylvania votes yes.
Delaware? Delaware votes yes.
Virginia? Virginia votes yes.
Maryland? Maryland votes yes.
North Carolina? North Carolina votes yes.
South Carolina? South Carolina votes yes.
Georgia? Georgia votes yes.
Vote stands.
12 for independence.
None against.
One abstention.
Resolution carries.
When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the polical bands which have connected them with another and to assume among the powers of the earth to the separate and equal station to to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them A decent respect of the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation We hold these truths to be self-evident.
that all men are created equal that they are endowed by their creator with certain un what's that word there? unalienable.
with certain unalienable rights that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
That whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is in the right of the people to alter or abolish it and to institute new government.
The history of the present king of GB is a history of repeated injuries, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states.
In every stage of this oppression, we have petitionned for redress in the most humble terms.
Our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury, a prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of the free people.
We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America solemnly publish and declare that these united colonies are and of right ought to be free and independent states that they're absolved from all allegiance to the british crown.
And for the support of this declaration with a firm reliance on the protection of divine providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives our fortunes and our sacred honor.
Bless you.
God save our american states.
God save our american states.
My dearest friend, the break is made.
Now our work begins.
You will think me transported with enthusiasm but I'm not.
It is the will of Heaven that Britain and America should be scinded forever.
It may be the will of Heaven that America shall suffer calamities still more wasting and distresses yet more dreadful.
I am well aware of the toil and blood and treasure that it will cost us to maintain this declaration and support and defend these states.
Yet, through all the gloom, I can see the raise of ravishing light and glory.
I can see that posterity will triumph in that day's transaction.
Resolved That to the recent grievous acts imposed by parliament on Massachusetts, we cannot submit.
But in hopes that our fellow subjects in Great Britain will restore to us happiness and prosperity, rather than support the Massachusetts militia, we have agreed to pursue the following peaceable measures To publish a statement of the aforesaid to the inhabitants of British America.
Who need no reminders.
Two, to enter into a non-importation, non-consumption and non-exportation agreement of british goods.
- Which no one will honor.
- And three, to prepare a loyal address to his majesty.
Which his majesty will not read.
This congress stands adjourned.
The business of this congress being concluded, all delegates "The business of this congress.
" The business of this congress has been to achieve nothing.
the year of our Lord, 1775.
You carry good news back home, Mr.
Paine.
Massachusetts has made its cause plain to its sister colonies, and now it will be made plain to Parliament.
I beg to differ, Mr.
Dickinson.
Nothing has been made plain.
All this congress has shown is that every man in it thinks that he is a great man Orator, a critic, a statesman.
And therefore every man must show his oratory, his criticism, his political ability.
If it were moved and seconded that two and three make five, we should spend two whole days debating the matter and only then pass a resolution in the affirmative.
Well, in that event, Mr.
Adams, our adjournment comes not a moment too soon.
A toast, gentlemen and ladies.
May Boston's troubles soon be at an end and her people's natural rights as englishmen be fully restored.
May the sword of the parent never be stained with the blood of her children.
God save the King.
God save the king.
Part II: INDEPENDENCE There we are.
Go on, get a feel for it.
Put your hands in there.
Deeper.
Deeper.
There.
There, turn it, yeah? Now, the best recipe is equal parts salt marsh, upland soil and dung.
Manure is an art, and I consider myself an accomplished artist.
Smell that.
I want to be a farmer too, papa.
Do you now? Farming is noble employment, Johnny.
The noblest there is.
And this farm will always be in our family.
But it's to be school and the law for you.
As it was for me.
Mr.
Adams! Mr.
Adams! The british! The british are marching on concord! The british are marching on concord! - To arms! - Go inside! Charles! Inside, Charles! Get inside! The first sign of trouble, you fly to the woods! Stay with me! Come on, faster! Doctor Warren! What is god's name has happened? Gage sent a regiment to seize our powder and arms at concord.
Hundreds of our militia turned out.
The british got nothing.
- Where are they now? Are they close by? - We are chasing the bastards back to Boston, and we'll keep them there! Move! Come on, men.
There can be no mistaking britain's intentions now.
If you had seen them, Abigail.
An army of plain country boys With no experience of professional soldiering.
But their faces shing like the sun through a church window.
We must support them With guns and leadership and faith in what they do.
Say that, John.
Say that to the congress.
If I have to stand and rail until my voice breaks and my legs collapse beneath me This time congress will act.
Men Need to think that they have made their own decisions Not had them forced upon them.
I don't have the time to coddle like a young girl courting a beau.
To sit in Philadelphia listening to men talking to hear themselves talk, resolving nothing To subject myself to that yet again, I cannot.
I cannot.
Where are these gentlemen from Massachusetts? What have you done with these gentlemen from Massachusetts? Have you stolen these gentlemen from Massachusetts? There they are! All the way from Boston.
Are they not a shame on their country? Are they not a disgrace to all civilized beings? Has not even the reverend Ebenezer Slither declared them so? They have violated the fundamental rule of warfare, which is always to let the british win! Did they not pursue the british army with ungentlemanly haste after their cowardly victory at Concord? Must you be so extreme, Dr.
Franklin? I'm an extreme moderate, Mr.
Rutledge.
I believe anybody not in favor of moderation and compromise out to be castrated.
And that all this should be sent down to the To the Parliament, for they seem to need How shall I put it? Stones.
There.
I think we scared him off.
I am very glad to have you gentlemen with us.
Very glad indeed.
I beg the good gentlemen here.
I beseech you Entreat.
He left out entreat.
I entreat you to remember that we remain the King'subject, whatever the recent unpleasantness in Massachusetts.
One rash action does not merit a rash response! Might must be met with reason, not arms! I remind Mr.
Rutledge and Mr.
Duane that blood has been shed.
Massachusetts' blood.
While we debate, our militia is left without munitions, without arms, without even the slightest encouragement.
Mr.
Dickinson of Pennsylvania.
One colony cannot be allowed to take its sister colonies headlong into the maelstrom of war.
Parliament will be eager to call a halt to hostilities, as are we.
They will seek conciliation.
We must offer them an olive branch.
I move this assembly consider a humble and dutiful petion be dispatched to his Majesty, one that includes a plain statement that the colony desires immediate negotiation and accommodation of these unhappy disputes, and that we are willing to enter into measures - to achieve that reconciliation.
- Second! Mr.
Dickinson? The time for negotiation is past.
The actions of the british army at Lexington and Concord speak plainly enough.
If we wish to regain our natural-born rights as englishmen Then we must fight for them.
I have looked for our rights in the laws of nature and can find them only in the laws of political society.
I have looked for our rights in the constitution of the english government and found them there! Our rights have been violated, Mr.
Adams, that is beyond dispute.
We must provide a plan to convince Parliament to restore those rights! Do we wish to become aliens to the mother country? No, gentlemen, we must come to terms with the mother country.
No doubt the same ship which carries forth our list of grievances will bring back their redress.
Mr.
Dickinson My wife and young children live on the main road to Boston, fewer than five miles from the full might of the british Empire.
Should they sit and wait for gage and his savages to rob them of their home, their possessions, their very lives? No, sir! Powder and artillery are the surest and most infallible conciliatory measures we can adopt! If you explode the possibility of peace, Mr.
Adams, and I tell you now, you will have blood on your hands! And I tell you, Mr.
Dickinson, that to hold out an olive branch to britain is a measure of gross imbecility.
If you New England men continue to oppose our measures of reconciliation, you will leave us no choice but to break off from you entirely and carry on the opposition in our own way.
I sit in judgment of no man's religion, Mr.
Dickinson But your quaker sensibilities do us a gross disservice, sir.
It is one thing to turn the other cheek, but to lie down in the ground like a snake and crawl toward the seat of power in abject surrender, well, that is quite another thing, sir.
- And I have no stomach for it, sir! - Mr.
Adams! No stomach at all! We will exhaust all peaceful approaches, Mr.
Adams.
And we will do it with or without the approbation of you and your Boston insurrectionists! Hear, hear! Mr.
Dickinson's motion to send an olive branch petion to his majesty has been made and seconded.
We shall proceed to a vote.
- New Hampshire? - New Hampshire votes no.
- Massachusetts? - Massachusetts votes no.
- Rhode Island? - Rhode Island votes no.
- New York? - New York votes yes! Hear, hear.
- Connecticut? - Connecticut votes no.
New Jersey? New Jersey votes yes.
Hear, hear.
Delaware? Delaware votes yes.
Pennsylvania? Pennsylvania votes yes.
Virginia? Virginia votes yes.
- Maryland? - Maryland votes yes.
South Carolina? South Carolina votes yes.
- Georgia? - Georgia votes yes.
The storm did not quite behave as it was meant to behave.
Unlike the british army, it did not travel in a straight line.
As my brother told me at the time - Mr.
Adams.
- Doctor.
Dr.
Rush has been telling me that he has bled most of Philadelphia.
He quite swears by the regenerative powers of desanguination.
Thus far, Philadelphia has survived Can I have a private word with you, doctor? - Certainly, Mr.
Adams.
- Gentlemen, if you If you'll excuse me.
Mr Rodney You seem a little distracted, Mr.
Adams.
I had thought that you were with us.
As I am, as I am.
But not enough to come out and say so.
Politics is the art of the possible.
What did you get by opposing the motion? It was carried with our without you.
All you did was make enemies aand make yourself feel better, of course.
Do you not believe in saying what you think? No, I'm very much against it.
Thinking aloud is a habit responsible for much of mankind's misery.
St.
Thomas à Becket might have lived to a ripe old age if he You insulted Mr.
Dickinson.
You insulted him in public.
Would you have me insult him in private? It's perfectly acceptable to insult someone in private.
Sometimes they might even thank you for it afterwards.
But when you do it in public, they tend to think you are serious.
I feel myself hated in this town.
Go gently.
I beg you.
You are a guest in Philadelphia.
Fish and guests Stink after three days.
You would do well to seek out the gentlemen of Virginia.
Their vote went against me as well.
Virginia must be won, Mr.
Adams.
Their wealth, prestige, their size No other colony carries that much weight.
And I think you'll find, despite their recent vote, that they are of your opinion.
And of your opinion, sir.
My opinion is that I have no opinion.
But I'll gladly come with you, to find out what my opinion might be.
Diplomacy is seduction in another guise, Mr.
Adams.
One improves with practice.
Mr.
Harrison, Mr.
Lee.
Gentlemen, good morning to you.
Mr.
Lee? You are said to be the cicero of Virginia.
Like you, Mr.
Adams, we are arming ourselves for our own defense.
Beyond that, the Virginia convention has given us no instructions.
Were it up to myself and colonel Washington Oh, yes indeed.
Colonel Washington.
- Good morning to you, colonel.
- Mr.
Adams.
Colonel, you are in mourning? for Massachusetts, Mr.
Adams.
An attack made on one of our sister colonies is an attack made on all of us.
If only all of the congress were of your sentiment, sir.
I am prepared to raise 1,000 men, subsist them at my own expense and march them myself to the relief of Boston.
We may yet have need of your generosity.
Not generosity, Mr.
Adams, duty.
A natural leader.
He's always the tallest man in the room.
He's bound to end up leading something.
When will we escape this dreadful city, doctor? Philadelphia is not to your liking, sir? I'd rather be in my own country.
Would not you? I would, Mr.
Jefferson, yes.
Well, excuse me.
ma! ma! Are those our guns, mama? I pray they are.
- Would you like some water, sir? - Thank you, ma'am.
Thank you.
Thank you, ma'am.
We saw flames above the harbor.
Gage's ships laid into us with cannon fire.
They sent their butchers through the smoke up Bunker Hill.
Dear god.
We held them back.
Thank you.
Do I know that face? I knew that face.
Children, inside.
General Warren is fallen at Bunker Hill Shot through the head Bayoneted and stripped of his clothes.
I knew him, gentlemen.
He was my physician.
The full measure of british atrocity is too terrible to relate.
"400 patriots dead.
" Not professional soldiers, ordinary citizens of Massachusetts who willingly gave their lives to defend what was rightfully theirs Their liberty.
But they took with them more than 1,000 british soldiers and 100 of their officers.
If this congress does not support the Massachusetts militia, it could very well dissolve, gentlemen! Should that happen Should that happen We will be left defenseless, gentlemen.
Yes.
absolutely.
I move that the congress adopt the Massachusetts militia immediately! Mr.
Adams.
Second! You are asking us to form an army, Mr.
Adams A force acting not for a single colony, but all 13! Now there's not a man here present who does not mourn the loss of the brave men of Massachusetts.
But it is at such times that caution must prevail.
It may be weeks before our last petion reaches the King, many weeks more before we may hope for a reply.
While we await answer, we must avoid any escalation of the hostilities between us.
The situation is perilous! What is required now is one able man to build and to lead this new continental army.
And who do you propose of the Massachusetts delegates should lead this force? Gentlemen, we move too quickly.
We have not yet resolved the question of any continental army, much less who is to lead it.
I have but one gentleman in mind, known to all of us.
Mr.
President, I propose as commander in chief, our most honorable and esteemed delegate The good gentleman from Virginia, Colonel George Washington.
Second! I commend your selection, sir.
There is no more able soldier in all America.
Colonel Washington would command approbation in all americans, were he to accept the position that it is now our great honor to offer him.
If the congress sees fit to honor me with the command, it will be my humble duty to serve.
By your modesty, you show the wisdom of our choice.
There are two motions on the floor.
Should congress adopt the Massachusetts militia and should Colonel Washington be appointed as commander in chief of this continental army? I think we should move towards a vote.
Congratulations, General Washington.
I am truly sensible of the high honor the congress has done me.
But I tell you now, I do not think myself equal to the command I am honored with.
Your men, your continental army, awaits you at Cambridge, sir.
And I shall see you there on my return.
- Will General howe attack again? - Impossible to say.
What is that but an army of occupation? And the Congress goes on its knees to the King.
Has the King deigned to reply? I understand people like Mr.
Dickinson and his friends all too well, John.
Send a woman to the Congress.
She might knock some sense into them.
It is not a question of men and women.
It is a matter politics.
Politics.
Politics? And do women not live politics, John Adams? When I go to the cupboard and I find no coffee, no sugar, no pins, no meat, am I not living politics? This war touches people that your congress treats with the same contempt King George deserves for the people of Boston.
I mean women, yes, and slaves too, for that matter.
Though I am sure you wish I would not mention that subject, as it might upset your southern friends.
- You're harsh, madam.
- I am cold.
And frightened.
I am afraid this war will never end or begin.
I am frightened too, Abigail.
And however much I talk and talk, I will never carry the congress.
It seems that I must come down to Philadelphia and box the ears of Mr.
Dickinson and his cronies.
I must pray for guidance in all our endeavors, wherever they may lead us.
And where will they lead us, John? I sometimes think we may be heading to a complete and irrevocable independence.
The enemy are quite entrenched.
To take boston may mean its utter destruction.
I could call on only 5 000 troops who are fit to fight.
I thought you had at least 20 000 men under your command? A great many have gone home since their enlistments expired, New England men a good lot of them.
I cannot conceal our condition from the british indefinitely.
We have been decimated by the bloody pox.
It is sheer providence they haven't discovered our predicament.
Upon my return to Philadelphia, I will make this situation known and the congress will find whatever you require, sir.
Nothing has yet come from all their promises of powder, muskets supplies, Mr.
Adams.
- Mr.
Adams.
- I will persuade them, sir.
And I will also argue to the congress that an alliance with France and Spain is essential.
But above all, I intend to present them with a Declaration of Independency.
You've already spoken of this? Oh no no one speaks of it.
At least not publicly.
But it is the only sure guarantee of our liberty.
Independence will mean war from one end of the colonies to the other.
I have no illusions about that.
But first, let us free Boston.
The rest will follow.
So many have been carried away by the bloody pox.
We cannot risk infection in this house.
How you will manage this winter with the blockade, I don't know.
We will manage.
Somehow we will manage.
I should go before the weather worsens.
I would gladly take a walk in our garden with you - when the spring comes.
- No more, John! No more.
I hate the congress! General Washington still awaits our reply to the problem of re-enlistments.
- The king's seal.
- Now he respectfully suggests that a salary be granted our soldiers commensurate with their sacrifice.
But he has no money on hand to pay them.
Tents, soap, shoes and blankets are also greatly wanting.
The army recently took shipment of 50 crates of rifles, all without the flints required to shoot them.
A proclamation by King George III.
"many of our subjects, misled by a desperate conspiracy of dangerous and ill-designing men, have forgotten the allegiance which they owe to the power that has protected and supported them, and have declared rebellion and traitorously levied war against us.
It is the better part of wisdom to put a speedy end to such disorders.
We have thought fit to issue our royal proclamation that all our royal officers, both civil and military, are obliged to suppress such rebellion and bring the traitors to justice.
When the unhappy and deluded multitude against whom this force shall be directed shall become sensible of their error, I shall be ready to receive the misled with tenderness and mercy.
for those who persist in their treason For those who persist in their treason, the punishment shall be death by hanging.
given in parliament this 26th day of october in the year" 1775.
" God save the King.
God damn the King! God bless the King.
Who else could have brought such a spirit of unity to this congress? We will now all hang together.
Or, most assuredly, we will all hang separately.
The question is no longer whether there shall be independence, but when.
If we force a decision too soon, we may reap disaster.
Independence without unanimity means nothing.
- I'm in complete agreement, doctor.
- I will leave immediately.
The Virginia Convention must free us to act.
All 13 clocks must strike at the same second.
Charles, Charles! Charles, come back! Children, step away from the door.
Charles! Charles, go inside! Go inside! Go! Mr.
Knox.
Mr.
Knox! - Mr.
Knox! - Mrs.
Adams? You sold books to my husband, now look at you.
- What are you doing? - British guns captured at Fort Ticonderoga.
General Washington may have some use for them.
- How on earth did you manage? - Rowed them across lake George and hauled them over the berkshires.
We call that one Liberty.
And that big one there stuck in the mire, we call it Independence! When how we saw the guns from Ticonderoga ringing the city he shouted, "good god, these fellows have done more work in one day than I made my army do in three months.
" General Washington's surprise sent them scurrying like rats.
Mr.
Lee, now is the time.
And with your good news I can depend upon Virginia to lead the way.
The honor is mine, sir.
We are about to take a leap in the dark, Mr.
Jefferson.
I would gladly lend my hand to sink the whole island of Great Britain in the ocean.
Now, I have not heard you say three words together in the last congress.
with such passion, I regret that you haven't made your mind more plainly known.
I have no gift for oratory.
President recognizes Mr.
Lee of Virginia.
- Order, gentlemen! - Resolved That these united colonies are and of a right ought to be free and independent states; They are absolved of all allegiance to the british crown; and that all political connection between them and the country of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved.
No! Second! Second from Mr.
Adams.
Am I to understand that Virginia has freed their delegates to propose this measure? They have, sir.
the liberation of Boston has quite convinced them.
The british may have abandoned Boston, Mr.
Lee, but that is not an end to the business! General Howe is said to be awaiting reinforcements! Thousands of godless hessian mercenaries among them.
First they will attack New York, then this very city! Two warships have been sighted sailing up the Delaware, gentlemen.
What possible object can they have if not to take this congress and every man in it by force? Our river defenses Our river defenses will hold them, sir! How shall we fight them? With what navy shall we turn them back? England is poised to strike a fatal blow! I must ask again, why such haste? Why should we pull down the old house - before we are prepared to - Because Enough! Because, Mr.
Duane, the middle way that some in this chamber have been seeking is no way at all.
Gentlemen, please hear me out, gentlemen! If we finally fail in this great and glorious contest, it will be by bewildering ourselves in groping for the middle way! Gentlemen, Dr.
Franklin knows England better than any man here.
Can we not yet hope to see a clearer sky? Well, if my long residence in London as this colony's agent to the Court has taught me anything, Mr.
Dickinson, it has taught me this: that given the choice between doing what is right and doing what is not right, his majesty's government will take the later course every time.
Well said, well said.
Dr.
Franklin has the floor.
The King refuses our petitions.
He has branded us rebels.
The question is not whether by a by a declaration of independence that we should make ourselves something we are not, but whether we should declare as fact something which already exists.
- No! - Only the voice Only the voice of the people can proclaim independence.
No no, Mr.
Dickinson! The people wait for us to lead the way.
and we must lose no time in leading them, sir.
No time at all.
And just whom do you think will join us in this folly? - France, for one! - France! Gentlemen! England is our common enemy, sir.
Mr.
Adams would make us french subjects! Partners, Mr.
Duane, not subjects.
General Washington's army needs arms and men! King Louis cannot be expected to acknowledge us until we have acknowledged ourselves and taken our rightful place as a sovereign power.
Mr.
Adams - Mr.
Franklin has the floor.
- Mr.
Adams is right.
Let us send an envoy to King Louis while our affairs wear a hopeful aspect.
What if no alliance comes? What then, sir? Then so be it.
"So be it"? We will not vote for independence, Mr.
Adams.
Not now, not ever! Mr.
Duane well knows that reconciliation would be as agreeable to my inclinations, and as advantageous to my interests as to any man's! but, I see no prospect for it, no probability, no possibility! And I cannot abide the hypocritical heart that pretends to expect peace when in truth it does not.
This congress has no more right to pass such a resolution than parliament has! - We must beware of overreaching! - Aye! When demosthenes When Demosthenes traveled as ambassador through Greece he did not go, mr.
President, through time! If you plan on taking us to creation itself, I should like send word to my landlady, she should not waste any eggs for my breakfast.
He did not go, Mr.
President, to propose a non-importation - or non-consumption agreement.
- I beg your pardon, sir.
pray forgive me for not recognizing the worthy Demosthenes.
I mistook you for a Massachusetts man.
Do you know the conduct of some states from the beginning of this affair has given me reason to suspect that it is their settled policy to keep to the rear of our confederacy come what may, so as not to harm their future prospects? - Mr.
Adams - No, there are persons in Philadelphia to whom a ship is dearer than a city, and a few barrels of flour dearer than 1000 lives.
Other men's lives.
That is an outrageous slander! Gentlemen, we cannot debate this endlessly.
I call for a vote on Mr.
Lee's resolution for independence.
- New Hampshire? - New Hampshire votes yes.
- Connecticut? - Connecticut votes yes.
- New Jersey? - New Jersey votes no.
- Georgia? - Georgia votes yes.
- Virginia? Virginia votes yes.
- New York? - New York votes no! - North Carolina? - North Carolina votes yes.
- One moment, please.
South Carolina, on behalf of its sister colonies States! requests a postponement to seek new instructions.
20 days should be sufficient.
This is good.
Any objections? No, none, sir.
No.
Congress shall reconvene on july 1st to consider Mr.
Lee's resolution.
Mr.
President, perhaps a committee should be formed to present a statement to the people should the vote tend toward independence.
Mr.
Dickinson? Form your committee, Mr.
Adams.
present! The thought of what awaits us in New York robs me of my sleep.
Are you so certain of defeat? To give battle to the british army, their ranks swollen with the 17,000 hessians, I know not how our men will stand the test.
General Howe elected to depart Boston in peace rather than lay waste to the city.
New York may not be so fortunate.
That such evil should befall a people Could it be punishment for the sin of slavery? I cannot say.
We grow gloomy, Mrs.
Adams.
Forgive me.
I had hoped this visit would be a respite from what weighs upon me.
Is there some service I may do for you? For your family? There is one thing that I would ask.
My correspondence with my husband is more important than I can say.
It has become so difficult to get letters through, and fear of interception has limited what we may say to each other.
If I could impose upon you to carry my letters My own courier will take them safely to Philadelphia along with my dispatches.
Thank you.
Your advice is greatly valued by Mr.
Adams.
The more quickly he receives it, the more quickly we may all be beneficiaries of your counsel.
I fear I cannot oblige you, sir, because If we are to achieve our longed-for separation from England, we must be ready in the state legislatures with new codes of law and governance.
and to that end all my time away from the assembly is taken up with urgent correspondence on a new constitution for Virginia.
We are of the same mind there.
Massachusetts, too, must have its constitution.
But I would have one founded on principles which could one day inform the confederacy of all the states.
but we must first achieve this long-hoped-for separation, and to that end we must have a declaration of principles.
Should you not write this thing yourself? No no.
I do not have time.
I head the board of war and ordinance as well as serving on 22 other committees.
and the outcome of this great question is far from certain, so my energies must be spent ing the debate on the floor.
- And why me? - Reasons enough, sir.
What can possibly be your reason? First, you area virginian, and a virginian should be at the head of this business as it's the most powerful state.
And second, I am obnoxious, suspected and unpopular.
And you are very much otherwise.
Third, and perhaps most important, I have read your summary view of the rights of British America and I have a great opinion of the elegance of your pen, and none at all of my own.
You're too modest, sir.
You're the first to find me so, sir.
I am not by nature a humble man, but circumstances sometimes require a change of habits.
- I see that you're quite decided.
- That I am, Mr.
Jefferson.
Quite.
Have you consulted with your husband? Mr.
Adams is not here and the pox is rampant.
Inoculation is not without risk.
The distemper manifests itself differently in each person.
You and your children may experience some fever and inflammation, perhaps a form of the disease itself.
I am aware of the risks.
Some cases have even resulted in death.
This is something altogether unexpected.
not only a declaration of our independence, but of the rights of all men.
No this is well said, sir.
Very well said.
"The christi King of Great Britain "has waged cruel war against human nature itself "in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, "captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere.
" Yes, you lay the evils of slavery at the The feet of the King, but you say nothing of slavery itself, sir.
Now surely, if the trade is outlawed but ownership is not, then those unfortunate negroes still in servitude will become a more lucrative commodity.
That's not what I intended, Dr.
Franklin.
Slavery is an abomination and must be loudly proclaimed as such, but I own that neither I nor any man has any immediate solution to the problem.
It is no matter.
The issue before us is independence and not emancipation.
- Dr.
Franklin, this document is - is something Something our friends in the congress will debate.
But I will be very surprised if they will countenance an attack on slavery.
"We hold these truths to be sacred and undeniable, "that all men are created equal" Et cetera.
"sacred and undeniable.
" Smacks of the pulpit.
Does it? These truths are self-evident are they not? Perhaps.
Self-evident then.
Self-evident? - Self-evident.
- Self-evident.
Do not mistake me, sir.
I share your sentiment.
Every single word was precisely chosen.
I assure you of that, Dr.
Franklin.
Yes, but yours will not be the only hand in this document.
It cannot be.
They will try to mangle it, and they may succeed.
There may be expressions which I would not have inserted if I had drawn it up, but I will defend every word of it.
It's what I believe.
This is a A marvelous invention, Mr.
Jefferson.
Yes, I went through a number of variations.
This is by far the most successful.
The simplest is always the best.
It's two seats and the top one swivels on rollers made from the window sash pulleys.
Most ingenious.
Stay inside.
One more time, lad.
Just a small cut.
Done.
Who's first? So it's you? What is your name? - Charles.
- Charles.
Roll up your sleeve.
That's it.
Here we go.
Just a small cut.
Almost done.
There you are, lad.
- It'll hurt a little bit.
- I want papa.
Pa's not here.
We must depend upon ourselves.
One more, one more.
Almost done.
There lies our battle.
The others may yet come around, but Pennsylvania and New York are too self-interested, too tory.
Mr.
Dickinson is too unbending.
And too effective.
Most effective, Mr.
Adams, most effective.
And rutledge.
Good luck to you, sir.
Congress will take into consideration the resolution concerning independence.
Mr.
Dickinson? Gentlemen.
The consequences involved in the motion now lying before us are of such magnitude that I tremble at the oppressive honor of sharing in its determination.
My conduct this day, I expect, will give the finishing blow to my once great and now much-diminished popularity.
Yet I had rather forfeit popularity forever than vote away the blood and happiness of my countrymen.
Independence will not strengthen us by one man! Nor by the least supply.
But it may expose our soldiers to additional cruelties and outrages.
The full fury of British rifle will be unleashed.
Indians will be loosest on the frontier.
Negros will rise up to slaughter us.
New York may well be destroyed.
By their own admission, the advocates of separation say foreign assistance will be necessary.
At what cost? Let us imagine a war without victors.
And the guns all silent.
Many would have bled and sacrificed only to have exchanged the light yoke of GB for the heavy dominion of an alien power.
Some have argued that America will become one great commonwealth.
But what is to keep 13 unwieldy colonies from splitting asunder? I have a strong impression in my mind that this will take place.
Oh, gentlemen.
To escape the protection of GB by declaring independance unprepared as we are would be to brave the storm in a skiff made of paper.
As I recognize is Mr Adams, Massachussetts.
Objects of the most stupendous magnitude.
Measures which will affect the lives of millions, born and unborn are now before us.
We must expect a great expense of blood to obtain them but we must always remember that a free constitution of civil government cannot be purchased a too dear a rate as there is nothing on this side of Jerusalem, of greater importance to mankind.
My worthy colleague from Pennsylvania has spoken with great ingenuity and eloquence.
He's given you a grim prognostication of our national future, but where he foresees apocalypse I see hope.
I see a new nation ready to take its place in the world.
Not an empire, but a republic.
And a republic of laws, not men.
Gentlemen, we are in the very midst of revolution.
The most complete unexpected and remarkable of any in the history of the world.
How few of the human race have ever had an opportunity of choosing a system of government for themselves, and their children.
I am not without apprehensions, gentlemen.
But the end that we have in sight is more than worth all the means.
My belief says that the hour has come.
My judgement approves this measure and my whole heart is in it.
All that I have, all that I am and all that I hope in this life, I am now ready to stake upon it.
While I'll live, let me have a country.
A free country.
Idle misspend of time.
Waste of breathe.
I said nothing but what have been repeated and hackneyed in that room before.
Hundred times past these 6 months.
On the contrary, Mr Adams.
You seemed quite carried out of yourself.
Majority is ours, cousin.
9 to 4 in favor.
It must be unanimous.
- Where the devil is our friend Rodney? - Gone back to Wilmington.
Trouble with the Tories, there.
We will never win Delaware without him.
Mr Rodney must be found and fetched back here, Mr McCain.
Leave it to me.
Mr Adams.
A word with you, if I may? Private word.
South Carolina would be willing to consider casting her vote with the majority.
You surprise me, sir.
We know which way the wind blows, Mr Adams.
South Carolina has never been opposed to the principle of separation from Britain.
- Only the haste to achieve it.
- The times call for action, sir.
We southerners are accustomed to more courtly form.
You have something to ask in return.
Only your assurance that there will be no dissent from the other colonies.
Forgive me States.
You have it, sir.
Gentlemen can always reach agreement.
Admiral Howe has anchored a 150 ships in view of Manhattan Island.
You ask me to consent to our own destruction.
Thirteen stand a greater chance than one.
We do not ask you to join us.
Only that you do not obstruct us.
NY would be willing to consider such an arrangement.
If you can deliver Pennsylvania.
Consider this, Mr Dickinson, that 2 of Pennsylvania's own delegates, myself being one of them, rose up today in opposition to you.
I will not compromise my beliefs.
A man of your reputation and honesty.
He should never compromise his beliefs, sir.
I thank you for that, Mr Adams.
Understand me, sir.
Likely you're right, and we shall be driven to independance.
But now, it's not the time for some dangerous and irrevocable action.
I cannot lend my voice to hasten our ruin.
Perhaps if you're to find yourself, somehow, indisposed tomorrow? Be still.
My brave girl.
Come no further.
Mabby, have a lion.
Thank you, Charles.
Bed! Bed! Cool? Look! What Charles gave you.
This panel now comes to a vote.
From a resolution proposed by Mr Lee.
These colonies are and of right ought to be free and independant states.
And that all political connection between them and the country of GB is and of the right ought to be totally dissolved.
New Hampshire? New Hampshire votes yes.
Rhode Island? Rhode Island votes yes.
Massachusetts? Massachusetts votes yes.
New York? New York has yet to receive new instructions from its constituent assembly.
We, therefore, respectfully abstain.
Connecticut? Connecticut votes yes.
New Jersey? New Jersey votes yes.
Pennsylvania? Pennsylvania votes yes.
Delaware? Delaware votes yes.
Virginia? Virginia votes yes.
Maryland? Maryland votes yes.
North Carolina? North Carolina votes yes.
South Carolina? South Carolina votes yes.
Georgia? Georgia votes yes.
Vote stands.
12 for independence.
None against.
One abstention.
Resolution carries.
When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the polical bands which have connected them with another and to assume among the powers of the earth to the separate and equal station to to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them A decent respect of the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation We hold these truths to be self-evident.
that all men are created equal that they are endowed by their creator with certain un what's that word there? unalienable.
with certain unalienable rights that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
That whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is in the right of the people to alter or abolish it and to institute new government.
The history of the present king of GB is a history of repeated injuries, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states.
In every stage of this oppression, we have petitionned for redress in the most humble terms.
Our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury, a prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of the free people.
We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America solemnly publish and declare that these united colonies are and of right ought to be free and independent states that they're absolved from all allegiance to the british crown.
And for the support of this declaration with a firm reliance on the protection of divine providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives our fortunes and our sacred honor.
Bless you.
God save our american states.
God save our american states.
My dearest friend, the break is made.
Now our work begins.
You will think me transported with enthusiasm but I'm not.
It is the will of Heaven that Britain and America should be scinded forever.
It may be the will of Heaven that America shall suffer calamities still more wasting and distresses yet more dreadful.
I am well aware of the toil and blood and treasure that it will cost us to maintain this declaration and support and defend these states.
Yet, through all the gloom, I can see the raise of ravishing light and glory.
I can see that posterity will triumph in that day's transaction.