John Adams s01e06 Episode Script

The French have captured over 300 of our trading vessels.
The captain of the Cincinnatus was subjected to torture.
The details are barbaric.
There has been a gross misunderstanding with France that I must reconcile.
You made a devil's pact with the British, their sworn enemy.
And ours, I'd thought.
It may be difficult, Thomas, if not impossible, for me to maintain neutrality, but to be drawn into war with either France or England when our own confederation is still so fragile would be suicidal.
It could bankrupt the nation, divide the people even further, lead God knows where.
Now I am of a mind to send an envoy extraordinary to strengthen our hand in dealing with the French government.
And I can think of no one more qualified to engage with foreign minister Talleyrand than yourself.
And nothing would give me greater pleasure than to rekindle our partnership.
Some may say you seek to remove a rival for public office.
Well, let them prattle.
As a known friend of France, your presence would reflect our seriousness of purpose.
No one can object to that.
I cannot accept this commission.
Do you tell me this as my vice president or as the head of your party? That you and I differ on our assessment of the best form of government for these states united is well-known to us both.
Yes, but we have only differed as friends should do, respecting the purity of each other's motives.
Oh, surely you and I, Thomas, can rise above the din of politics.
Nowhere is the din of politics greater than in your own cabinet which you have inherited from Washington without making a single change.
They are Hamilton's men.
They are determined upon a course of war with France.
Well, I am equally determined to prevent such a course if you would stand by me.
Will you not help me in this? The threat to our revolution does not come from Paris, it comes from within.
Put your own house in order.
You once told me that I would always have your friendship.
- You have it now.
- Yes, but not your support! Not your support.
Well, I will not trouble you again.
Good day to you, Thomas.
And you, John.
The French have made their intentions plain.
The Yarmouth out of Baltimore was fired upon, its cargo impounded as British.
American seamen were wounded.
War is inevitable, sir.
No, war is never inevitable.
It must be the course of last resort.
How great would be the guilt of an unnecessary war? I intend to steer an impartial course as General Washington wished.
We cannot rely on Mr.
Marshall finding any success on his mission to Paris.
That is very possible, Mr.
Wolcott.
That's very possible.
So while we are attempting to adjust our differences through amicable means, we can take measures for our defense.
Such measures will cloak our envoy in strength and give weight to our diplomatic mission and, uh I think command the appropriate respect.
Nothing will command respect better than a provisional army.
The state militias are insufficient protection.
I think it's rather too soon to be speaking of armies, Mr.
McHenry.
Rather, we should concentrate on our navy.
I refer to arming our merchant ships for defense, bolstering our harbors for defense, building frigates.
- If I may, sir - Yes.
Mr.
Hamilton regards an army as most essential.
Yes, well, I remind you that Mr.
Hamilton is no longer an officer in this government.
And I have no need of outside counsel.
With respect, Mr.
President, you spent most of the war abroad.
Mr.
McHenry and I had the privilege to serve with Mr.
Hamilton in the army and in the previous cabinet l I retained all of you in your present positions in the interest of national unity.
So this cabinet would oblige me by respecting my wishes as it did with General Washington.
You have labored over the same page for the last half-hour.
Is that so? I was not aware.
My thoughts are so clear to me.
Each one takes perfect shape within my mind.
But when I speak, when I offer them to others they seem to lose all definition.
It is not your words that are at fault, John.
It is the bias of those to whom you speak that distorts what you would say.
A bias.
We cannot survive a war, this country no no neither with England nor France.
You see, that fact should be paramount, but it takes last place, outweighed by these factional concerns and by the ambitions of men who ought to be united with me in this cause.
Thomas.
I am bereft of counsel when I am most in need of it.
You are hardly bereft of counsel.
Hold firm to the course that you have set.
And if war comes, John we must be prepared.
You must be prepared.
Bereft of counsel.
May I be among the first to offer you my support in this difficult time for our country? Should it come to war with France, I would be honored to serve on the army's general staff.
The army, hmm? Well, should such a necessity arise excuse me the Senate will vote on those matters.
I will not influence their decision one way or the other, Colonel.
I ask you only to vouchsafe my character, sir.
That I can no longer do.
- I beg your pardon? - That I can no longer do.
Fetch me my folio, Colonel.
Certainly, sir.
No doubt you are a fine soldier and were an able secretary to me, sir, but you have bankrupted yourself in the pursuit of easy riches.
You reputation is much damaged.
I own that I have made some poor investments, but I am hardly alone in that misfortune.
If you had applied yourself to steady employment in a respectable occupation Perhaps if you had shown some regard for my advancement, such employment might have been more easily found.
God.
You have the temerity to blame me? A word from you would have done me much good.
I will not and cannot countenance your ceaseless efforts to trade on our family name! You have had no hesitation in finding preferment for your own sons whether they have merited the effort or not.
I have nothing more to say to you, sir.
Good day.
I'm afraid I must beg your indulgence longer than I expected, Mrs.
Adams.
I would consider it a great favor if my wife and children could remain at Peacefield.
I care not for my own comfort, but it would pain me greatly to see them suffer because of my failures.
Of course.
The moment I am able I shall take their care upon myself.
William, l I do not understand.
I must leave you.
Leave us? Why? My disappointments have blackened my name, as your father has made all too clear.
If I am to begin again, it must be somewhere where I am less known.
Where will you go? I have some prospects in the west.
The west? William, surely there must be something I have no choice, Nabby.
- William, please.
- I have no choice.
- If you will excuse me.
- Please stay, Mrs.
Adams.
I know your husband is not alone in his opinion of me.
There is much to do.
Please excuse me.
Good God, to treat you with such contempt, Mr.
Marshall.
To debase you, our envoy, in such a vile manner.
Do the French not understand the consequences of their actions? Talleyrand all but refused to see us.
That bastard.
His agents are well aware you do not want war, that you intend to preserve the peace at all costs.
Well, their perfidy makes that course all but impossible.
Reason enough, then, not to release the dispatches.
Yes, but if I do not release the dispatches, then Mr.
Jefferson and his party will allege that I am withholding intelligence favorable to the French government and that will inflame things further.
Yet both seek peace with France.
The vice president would find we agree on most matters if he could be convinced that I mean what I say! So far, I have failed in that task.
In this instance, you share cause.
Should you seek his support you may find him more sympathetic.
"Through his agents, Monsieur Talleyrand indicated that for negotiations to proceed a sum of money was first required for the pockets of the French for the pockets of the French government and its ministers; That the price would be $250,000 for himself.
" Yes, a "sweetener," Monsieur Talleyrand calls that.
And, uh, a loan of $10 million to demonstrate our good faith.
If Monsieur Talleyrand has been indiscreet, it would be wrong to ascribe blame to the entire French government.
Monsieur Talleyrand is the French government.
I cannot account for such effrontery unless our envoys had some part in this mistake? Mr.
Marshall vouches for the account, and I know him to be a man of his word.
I am left no ground on which to expect our diplomatic mission to be accomplished in terms compatible with either the safety or the honor of this nation.
So we must shield ourselves behind a wall of strength.
Congress is prepared to grant my request to arm our merchant vessels and to fortify our harbors.
And? Well, that's not all, is it Mr.
President? No, should the need arise, we must be prepared to defend our borders with an army, yes.
And to that end, I can think of no man better to lend the notion gravity than General Washington.
General Washington? Well, he will exercise great caution in deploying it.
He will be a commander in name only.
You must know that.
You cannot expect him to take the field at his age.
I know nothing of the sort, Mr.
Jefferson, no.
General Washington will defer to Mr.
Hamilton as he always has.
The result will be a provocation of the most immense order, both here and abroad.
And what precisely is Monsieur Talleyrand's unbridled contempt but a provocation?! War has been this administration's policy from the beginning.
To try to pretend otherwise is disingenuous in the extreme.
If there is to be a war, Mr.
Vice President, it will be France's doing and not mine.
Mr.
President.
"Exult each patriot heart this night is shown A piece, which we may fairly call our own Our Author pictures not from foreign climes The fashions, or follies of the times; Why should our thoughts to distant countries roam, When each refinement may be found at home?" Three cheers for our President! May he, like Samson, slay thousands of Frenchmen with the jawbone of Jefferson! Huzzah! Huzzah! All of Philadelphia is at your feet.
All of America, it seems.
They sing less in praise of me than they do in outrage at the mendacity of the French, Doctor.
Come now.
No no, they will turn again at a moment's notice, I have no doubt.
A mob is no less a mob because they are with you.
"The President is hereby empowered to designate as alien enemies any citizens or subjects of hostile nations" "residing in the United States whose presence he regards as dangerous, and make regulations for their apprehension, restraint or removal.
" Both the House and the Senate believe the country's security requires it, sir.
There are over 25,000 Frenchmen in Philadelphia alone, Mr.
President refugees from the slave uprisings in the Caribbean.
We must assume their sympathies remain with France rather than America.
If war does come, we cannot afford to harbor potential spies in our midst.
"It shall be a crime to utter or publish writings against the government of the United States with intent to defame or bring it into contempt or disrepute.
" The majority of the Congress concur with this opinion as well? Overwhelmingly, sir.
Scandalous and malicious writing excites hatred against our administration and may even foment insurrection.
These two bills are essential in rooting out our enemies, both external and internal.
But aren't we concerned, gentlemen, that with such acts we will only further embolden these dissenters? The people of this country are clamoring for war, sir, and we must answer them.
No self-respecting nation should ever be asked to submit to the injury, the outrage and the insult that the French have heaped upon us and you.
You must sign them, sir.
L I am well aware of the insult delivered to us by the French, Mr.
Wolcott.
We we must be prepared for war but I am duty-bound to try for peace.
"The reign of Mr.
Adams has hitherto been one continued tempest of malignant passions.
As president, he has never opened his lips without threatening or scolding.
He is a repulsive pedant, a gross hypocrite, one of the most egregious fools upon the continent, a hideous, hermaphroditical character which has neither the force and firmness of a man, nor the gentleness and sensibility of a woman.
" It is beneath the President of the United States to take any notice of insinuations.
In any other country, such filth would have been silenced long ago.
Mr.
Hamilton takes equal pains to ensure that the Federalist Papers are filled with scurrilous attacks on Thomas Jefferson and his party.
Think of all the vile falsehoods written about you continue to be written about you.
You may have patiently borne all the slanders, but I have not.
"Before it is too late to retrieve - our deranged affairs" - For goodness sake.
"the people must demand the immediate resignation of old, querulous, bald, blind, crippled, toothless Adams.
" I'm not crippled.
I find no amusement in this.
- Waste of paper and ink.
- Waste of time reading it.
Abigail, put it down.
They would not say such a thing about Washington.
They would not call George Washington hermaphroditical.
They could call him toothless, though.
By these measures, some within your party hope to silence the opposition.
I assure you they will give it body and solidarity.
Well, I am a party of one, Thomas, as you well know.
Why blacken your fragile reputation by an assault on the freedoms for which we both fought? Do you intend to ship out the entire French population of the United States along with any other luckless soul who happens to voice a contrary opinion? Well, if that contrary opinion threatens to divide the nation at a time when we must stand united, then yes, I will do just that.
I am interested with the nation's safety, Thomas.
Now these war measures will protect us - from insurrection and subversion.
- There is no war.
And that is the principle behind these measures the prevention of war.
You cannot protect the nation by attacking the right of every man to speak freely without fear.
You're trampling on the Constitution.
The states will have no alternative but to resist these measures which are an assault on the liberty of their people.
Yes, but the people's representatives demanded these acts.
Would you have me deaf to the voice of the people? You are the President of the Senate, Thomas.
Surely, you will respect the wishes of the majority as I did.
I cannot preside over a reign of witches.
I shall remove myself to Monticello.
That is your privilege.
L I do not have such a luxury.
I am determined to control events, not be controlled by them.
Sign them, John.
For once in your life, the people are with you.
Bed, John.
THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES You do understand, Mr.
Hamilton, that as President, I have the authority to decide on junior officers.
Without question, sir.
But General Washington will only accept his charge on the condition that I serve as his second in command.
Naturally, you may decline to accept the arrangement.
Of course not, Mr.
Hamilton.
Of course not.
It is somewhat irregular, but I would never countermand his wishes, sir.
If I may, sir.
A company will be subdivided into two platoons, a platoon into two sections, a section into two squads.
A squad will consist of four files of three, or two files of Perhaps later, Mr.
Hamilton.
We are removing ourselves to Peacefield to avoid the yellow fever before it strikes.
You might want to leave the city yourself, sir.
For General Washington, I suggest this: A blue coat without lapels, yellow buttons and double-bullion tag with fringe, each with three stars.
Obviously, collar cuffs, and pocket flaps will be double-embroidered as will the buttonholes.
Yes, but of course it is a matter of how the army is to be used, Mr.
Hamilton, is it not? To what end, you see.
Its presence will be provocative, whatever the color of the uniforms.
If we're forced to rely on incompetent state militias for our defense, we may as well start learning French now, Mr.
President.
A national army binds the country much as a national bank does.
Now, a training manual is essential.
Here we have an illustration for the command "Head right.
" At the word "right," the soldier turns his head to the right briskly but without violence, bringing his left eye in line with the buttons of his waistcoat and his right eye looking along the breasts of the soldiers to his right.
Whoa, boy.
Whoa.
John Quincy is absolutely certain of this? The French are willing to talk peace? Talleyrand let it be known through our Dutch embassy that another envoy would be respectfully received.
The situation in France has changed.
General Bonaparte has proclaimed himself sovereign ruler and declared the revolution over.
From monarchy to anarchy and back to monarchy.
So much for the overthrow of the ancient tyrannies of Europe.
Bonaparte will have little time for America.
He must consolidate his power in France, pursue the war with Britain.
This is the very news that I have been waiting for.
Delivered to me by my own son from my own son.
Well done.
Well done, sir.
Let Mr.
Jefferson call you a warmonger now.
Ah.
Ah.
Has there been any news from Colonel Smith? Not of late.
- Nabby, it Is not good for the children - Yes, Mother? to be without their father for so long.
I am resigned to the absences of my husband as you once were.
Nabby, there is nothing I can do to alter what has passed.
Should there be something I could do to correct He shall return as soon as he is able, Mother.
I have no reason to doubt his promise to me, nor the affection he feels for me and the children.
As for the rest of it, I am managing.
- You need not worry.
- But I do.
How can I not? At the end of the summer, we return to Philadelphia.
Perhaps you and the children could return with us.
We are fine here.
We remove ourselves to the new capital a few months later.
Perhaps then? For the president's daughter to be living in Washington City without her husband? I'd never do that, not to Father.
It is best we remain where we are.
Current hostilities in Europe demand a firm American response, sir.
When the scourge of yellow fever is removed from Philadelphia and the government may resume its work, I will leave Trenton and return to the capital.
I intend to deliver a response, Mr.
Hamilton.
Rest assured of that.
Should victory fall to Britain, as it most surely must, then the Bourbons are likely to regain the throne of France.
Any dealings with a current illegitimate government there could well redound to our detriment leading us back into a war with Britain we can ill-afford to wage.
What if the French not the British, emerge victorious, Mr.
Hamilton? The pretender Bonaparte is within a hairsbreadth of victory over most of Europe.
In that regrettable instance, we must be prepared to take possession of valuable, strategic territory before France can lay her hands on it.
All the territory this side of the Mississippi must be ours.
You would seize - Spanish Florida and Louisiana? - And not only those, sir.
If universal empire is to be the pursuit of France, what can tend to defeat their purpose better than to detach South America from Spain? It is the only channel through which the riches of Mexico and Peru convey to France.
Let us not forget there are those in our own country, sir, who would prefer secession to our continued union.
If they should be so bold as to act on their threats, in the event, say, of a French victory, we must be prepared to bring the renegades back into the fold by force if necessary.
Never in my life have I heard a man speak more like a fool.
Sir? Your actions, Mr.
Hamilton, would precipitate the very thing that you pretend to protect against the dissolution of this nation.
May inform you as well, sir, that I am in possession of intelligence which confirms that we are as likely to find a French army on these shores as we are on the moon! You dream of empire, Mr.
Hamilton.
- You question my loyalties? - Oh no, Mr.
Hamilton, I question your sanity.
Now either you are stark raving mad or I am! Good day, sir.
You would do well to remember, sir, how you became president by three votes.
Good day, General.
Why did you not first consult with us before requesting Congress disband the army? Well, your advice was not required, gentlemen.
I do not intend to enter the new capital with an occupying force following behind me.
You would not have dared to do this if General Washington were still alive.
General Washington was the rightful leader of this army, so I think that you will both agree that he is irreplaceable.
Why on earth would you disband the army when we are preparing for war? Why on earth do we need an army when we are preparing for peace? You must abandon this folly of a renewed peace commission You may think it folly, Mr.
Pickering.
I do not.
Should the current crisis be allowed to persist a few months longer our party could be assured of a favorable outcome in the upcoming election.
Your re-election would be absolutely certain.
Do not speak to me of politics, man.
The people are animated, sir.
Remove the French threat and they're likely to desert us.
Government by fear is no government at all, Mr.
McHenry.
- Your intransigence - My intransigence? Your stubbornness will be our ruin.
You would surrender our party's interests to those of Mr.
Jefferson and his so-called Republicans.
And you, sirs, are subservient to Hamilton who ruled General Washington and would rule me if he could.
- I protest - Mr.
Jefferson, whom you despise, in an infinitely better man.
I would rather be vice president under him or resident minister to the Barbary pirates than be indebted to a creature such as Hamilton for my present post! Now your your immediate resignations will be accepted, gentlemen.
I do not feel it my duty to resign.
Oh.
Excellent.
Excellent.
Then you leave me with the far more satisfying remedy of removing you from office.
Both of you.
Charles is a sick man and he will not help himself.
I didn't want to leave him please believe that but it wasn't the place for us.
Not anymore.
You only did what was necessary for your children, Sally.
There is no shame in that.
When he drinks, he forgets himself.
He does things.
The money worries him so.
- The money? - The money that John Quincy gave him $2,000.
That Charles was to invest for him.
It's gone, every last cent.
Shh.
See, he was cheated by speculators.
Does John Quincy know? No.
He cannot bring himself to tell him.
He has tried.
He's tried to write to explain, but but he cannot bring himself to do it.
He will be so angry when he finds out that I have come here, but I didn't know what else to do.
I beg your pardon, sir.
Uh, kindly direct me to the home of Charles Adams.
Ah! Oh! Absalom.
Oh, King David's son at least showed some enterprise.
He had the dignity to die in battle! But my son my son is a mere rake- a buck blood and beast! Go on, Father, rage.
Your mother is beside herself with grief.
To see all of her finest aspirations squandered on a miserable drunkard! And worse, a cheat! That's it, Father.
Curse me.
You've made my whole life a curse.
I renounce you.
Father.
Have mercy, Father! He has been a graceless child but I cannot forsake him.
His wife and children deserve our attention.
We must do all we can for their welfare.
They will stay here in Philadelphia until we leave for the new capital.
And then I will make arrangements to remove them to Peacefield upon our departure.
I cannot help to wonder what part we played in all this.
He had every advantage, Abigail.
More than others.
It is useless to speculate on what might have been, Abigail.
And I will not find fault in my behavior to excuse his.
Providence has inflicted this disgrace upon us.
So we must bear it.
Come on, move it! Pull! There it is.
Whoa.
Mr.
President.
Thank you, sir.
Mrs.
Adams.
The negroes will see to your trunks.
Here, you boy.
Get these up the stair.
And you and you! Come on, get to it.
Mr.
President, Mrs.
Adams.
The fires help the plaster dry more quickly, Mrs.
Adams.
It will soon be ready, sir.
Half-fed slaves building our nation's capital.
What possible good can come from such a place? Is the old man welcoming us or showing us the way out? "A letter from Alexander Hamilton concerning the public conduct and character of John Adams, Esquire, President of the United States.
" Well well.
"His disgusting egotism his bitter animosity, his ungovernable temper the unfortunate foibles of a vanity without bounds, and a jealousy capable of discoloring every object.
His presidency has been a heterogeneous compound of right and wrong, of wisdom and error.
" This pamphlet will do you much damage should it finds its way into the hands of the electors as Mr.
Hamilton intends.
It could well determine the course of the election.
Yes, well, I made his little army disappear, didn't I? And now he seeks to do the same to me, Mr.
Secretary.
Is there still no word from Paris, Mr.
Marshall? None as yet.
I'm heartily sorry, sir.
The ancients thought a great book a great evil.
Mr.
Hamilton will find his little book an evil great enough for him, for it will ensure the election of the man that he dreads, or pretends to dread, far more than me.
You are resigned, then? My decisions were my own not other men's and certainly not Hamilton's.
A LETTER From Alexander Hamilton Concerning the Public Conduct and Character of JOHN ADAMS I have always been prepared to stand by the consequences.
I desire no other inscription over my gravestone than "Here lies John Adams, who took upon himself the responsibility for peace with France in the year 1800.
" Oh, I pray heaven to bestow the best of blessings on this house and all who shall hereafter inhabit it.
Hmm.
May none but honest and wise men ever rule under this roof.
Thank God you've come.
Of course.
Is he awake? Mother his mind is much deranged.
Charles.
Charles.
Mother.
I'm here.
I'm here.
Is father with you? No.
The election presses upon him.
The election, yes.
The - We will have not have - Charles! Charles! Charles listen to me.
You have a wife and you have children who are in great need of you.
I am in great need of you.
So you look deep within yourself, you turn to God and you return to us.
Do you hear me? Yes.
Do you hear me? You return to us.
- You must.
- Oh, please forgive me, Mother.
Please forgive me.
Oh, Charles.
Shh.
I'm right here.
Mr.
President! Mr.
President! News, sir! A treaty was signed on October the third at Mortefontaine.
A copy is expected for ratification within the month.
Thanks be to God.
Bonaparte has declared the differences between France and the United States to be little more than a family quarrel.
You are vindicated, although I fear it comes too late.
The electors have submitted their ballots.
But we have a peace.
We have an honorable peace for all that it has cost me.
I will be with your father until the election results are known, then the two of us will return here together.
Write me of any change of his condition.
Of course.
And you must be strong, now more than ever.
Do you want to say goodbye to your grandmother and wave to the carriage? I will pray every day for his recovery.
- Please clear the room.
- Aye, sir.
- Come on! - Yes, sir, boss.
- Yes.
- Yes, sir.
Mr.
President, the votes have been tallied.
You received 65 votes, sir.
Mr.
Jefferson and Mr.
Burr are both tied at 73.
A tie between two Republicans.
Only New England has been true.
A good showing, sir.
Had we gone to war with France, matters might have been very different.
To return to office with blood on my hands, Mr.
Marshall, would have been no victory at all.
The choice of a president now falls on the House of Representatives.
Some Federalists are eager to prolong the stalemate.
To what possible end? Should your successor not be chosen before the scheduled inauguration, the laurels will fall to the President Pro Tem of the Senate.
As he is a Federalist, our party will maintain control.
Yet, whatever the outcome, I will no longer be occupying this office.
There is one pressing matter I need to attend to.
I'm recalling my son John Quincy from his honorable exile abroad.
You will see to the formalities.
With pleasure, sir.
Our family's been apart for too long.
He's dead, John.
Our son is dead.
Poor poor unhappy man.
Let silence reign over his tomb forever.
He was no man's enemy.
He was the delight of my eye and the darling of my heart.
I will not forgive him.
Mr.
President.
Mr.
President.
You honor me prematurely, sir.
The House is still in deadlock.
After 32 ballots.
- 33.
- Ah.
Well, God grant they may soon reach a decision.
A word from you would end the uncertainty.
That is for the Congress to decide.
I have no business in that matter.
If the Federalist conspirators are allowed to defeat this election there will be resistance by force, and the consequences could be incalculable.
The outcome of this election is within your power.
You would do well to quiet your revolutionary notions, Thomas.
You have only to say that you will not turn out the government's officers will maintain the navy, that you will honor the national debt all of which the Federalists hold dear and the government will instantly be in your hands.
I will not enter office but in perfect freedom to follow the dictates of my own judgment.
Well then, in that case, events must take their own course.
Ah.
Mr.
Marshall.
Welcome.
Would would you care for a drink? Uh, no thank you, sir.
Ah.
Mr.
Bayard of Delaware relented on the 36th ballot.
He was induced to do so by assurances from Mr.
Jefferson's agents that the generous concessions you suggested would be respectfully considered.
Well well, respectfully considered.
We shall see about that, hmm? Mr.
Jefferson is fortunate that I have left him a country at all over which to preside.
Whatever accusations may be hurled at me that I led us into a ruinous war with France will not be among them.
And I have you to thank for your service at that end.
Thank you, sir.
I feel my shoulders relieved of the burden of office.
I will be plain Farmer John of Peacefield.
That's a good exchange.
The virtues and honor of office for simple manure.
Oh, dear.
No no no, not that one.
Good heavens.
Oh.
I didn't mean to burn that one.
Until the inauguration then, sir.
Oh, l I will not be attending.
You will forgive me if I do not wish to glory in Mr.
Jefferson's coronation.
You will be missed, sir.
I very much doubt that, Mr.
Marshall.
If you don't mind, sir.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Very good.
Thank you, sir.
- Pardon.
- Sit here, sir.
Stop gawking.
I'm plain John Adams, just an ordinary citizen, same as yourselves.